The Wave of Protests in Latin America • La ola de protestas Latinoamericanas
By Hortensia Picos Lee
From Honduras to Chile, a wave of protests has risen in Latin America, which has taken place even in some surprising countries of the region. In these manifestations different factors are being combined: indignation, rejection, broken promises, and a generalized discontent that is not necessarily linked to a single ideological sign. Colombia is the latest country to join this series of recent mass demonstrations. Cities in this South American country were the scene of massive marches, mainly in Bogotá, but also in other towns; marches that could not escape some violence.
The common denominator for these manifestations is the demand from the citizenship throughout Latin America that there be more equality, greater equity, less abuse, as well as a visible discontent with the elites of power. The unsatisfied demands, isolated in the beginning, eventually joined together in the absence of government attention, to form a visible movement with sufficient strength and representation to challenge the political power. And with the use of technology, we have seen the emergence of new forms of communication and interaction between people with a common agenda. This allows them to organize across borders and spontaneously participate more intensely and radically in the movements that promote social justice in its different expressions.
However, the triggers of the protests have not been exactly the same in each country. In all cases they have reflected very local realities, but always in the context of those in power not responding to a society questioning whether who govern have the tools, the capacity and the will to meet their demands.
THE CASE OF CHILE
In Chile there have recently been violent demonstrations, fires, deaths, repression, monetary losses, curfews, and a declared state of emergency. Chile, the so-called Latin American paradise, repeatedly defined as one of the most stable countries in the region, is now a hotbed of tension. The military has returned to the street to repress the protesters, an image that had not been seen since the time of Augusto Pinochet's regime. And this has only fueled the fire of the protests.
So how did it all start?
It began as a student protest after the announcement on October 6, 2019 that the price of subway tickets would increase. Although the government backed down, the violence did not stop. A social explosion – expressed with the term “cacerolazos” (to hit a saucepan with an object for making noise) – in which people of different ages and social classes participated. But why? This phrase can summarize what the protesters allege: "It wasn't the increase of 30 pesos for the price of the subway, but rather for the last 30 years that have put the people of Chile on the streets." Many Chileans feel "abused" for an economic model that does not meet the standards of a just society. Since the return of democracy in 1990, a private system was established to solve many of the social demands. Among them, pensions, water and health.
But how inequitable is Chile?
According to World Bank data, Chile has reduced its poverty level. In 2000 people making less than 6 US dollars a day were 30%, while today they are 6.7%. But, according to analysts, this has not necessarily translated into a better quality of life for most Chileans. Here are just a few examples: 1) Chile's public transport is one of the most expensive in the world in relation to the average income: of a total of 56 countries, Chile is the ninth most expensive. The poorest families can spend almost 30% of their income on transportation. The richest, spend only 2%. 2) Half of the workers earn about US $ 562 per month, something that is very close to the minimum wage. To pay for their needs, Chileans must borrow. Household indebtedness is around 70%. Only 11% of low-income students can graduate from the University, compared to 84% of those in higher socioeconomic classes.
And how has the government handled this crisis?
For many analysts, the way in which President Sebastián Piñera and his ministers reacted have contributed to the increase in tension, by showing a disconnect between the political elite and the discontent in the streets. It has been said that the Piñera administration reacted belatedly to the protests and that it did so only with repression by taking the military to the streets. He has been criticized because he did not effectively explain the reasons why the price of the subway increased. But the Chilean president continues to defend his strategy. The opposition has not escaped criticism either: some sectors have been accused of having supported the violent demonstrations, while others have been questioned for their inefficiency in improving the quality of life of Chileans when they were in power. Chile is faced with the contradiction of being one of the most prosporous countries of the last decades in the Latin American region, yet it is also clearly not solving the basic problems for most of its people.
THE CASE OF COLOMBIA
Many consider Colombia’s protests unprecedented because they have not seen a mobilization of this magnitude for decades in this country marked by 60 years of armed conflict with the FARC. It all started with a great national strike, which has not happened since 1977. And in the midst of mass marches, the death of student Dilan Cruz by the hands of police has become a symbol of the mobilizations. Young students, unions, women, indigenous organizations, farmers participate in the protests.
But what unites such diverse groups? What is behind the marches?
The first cause of the demonstrations is the rejection of president Iván Duque and his administration. Things do not look good for a president with a 70% of disapproval rating and, in October his party, the Democratic Center, lost local elections in cities like Bogotá, Cali and even Medellín, where the party founder, Álvaro Uribe, was born. It was in these cities where the protests were felt most strongly. The discussion around not-yet approved but already controversial reforms, such as to pensions and labor, added to the discontent. But there was a particular event that led to the great call for these marches.
At least 8 children died in an operation by the security forces invading a guerrilla camp located in the region of Caquetá. Those deaths had been covered up by the government and when they came to light they caused deep indignation throughout the Colombian people, and also the fall of Defense Minister Guillermo Botero. The second cause of these mobilizations is education: Many young students protested in the streets demanding free and quality education. They ask for more budgetary funds and attention go toward education, and they are not satisfied with what was assigned by President Duque. By 2020 the Colombian government allocated 43.1 billion Colombian pesos, that is more than 12 billion dollars, and this is the highest figure of educational spending that has been seen in the country. However, among the OECD countries (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development), Colombia remains among the most lagging in several areas, including student results. Although in Colombia access to preschool and technical education has doubled, it remains uneven, and this is evident above all in university access. Only 9% of the poorest Colombian families can go to university; this compared to 53% of the students of the richest families.
But another great reason that came to light during the protests was around the peace agreement. Recall that the peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas was signed by former President Juan Manuel Santos in 2016 and, in fact, Duque and his party led by Álvaro Uribe campaigned hard against that pact. So, now that Duque is in power, many accuse him of obstructing the agreement and not leading the transition to peace. Many people also complain about the dozens of deaths of social and indigenous leaders that have occurred since Duque came to power. In the region of Cauca, for example, there is a spiral of violence due to the presence of armed groups, FARC dissidents, paramilitaries and drug gangs.
And what has been the government's response?
Duque reacted quite quickly and offered a national dialogue, but without recognizing or responding directly to these protests. The marches continued and many people believe that Duque's proposal does not live up to the demands of protesters. The president's call to dialogue goes hand in hand with the flood of criticism he has received for the use of police force to suppress protests.
Thus, a country like Colombia on its way to peace, went out to protest against the policies of its government and joins the wave of discontent in Latin America that has demonstrated its strength in the streets.
WHAT CAN THE CHURCH DO?
We live in a difficult time. Although technology offers us an improved quality of life in many ways, the reality is that respect for the inalienable rights of human beings is still not respected. Material prosperity leads very easily to moral and religious corruption: “No one can serve two masters. Either you will hate the one and love the other, or you will be devoted to the one and despise the other. You cannot serve both God and money.” (Matthew 6:24, NIV)
Most of the Constitutions of nations promulgate that human beings are under the protection of a State that must provide them with the basic elements for survival and development; guaranteeing them the right to life, housing, security, food, education, health and justice. But these rights have been systematically violated by corrupt and inept systems. In Latin America, thousands of people die every day from violence, malnutrition, and extreme poverty. Social injustice is not something new, conditions similar to the current ones prevailed in Israel during the time of Amos, so the message of the prophet is tremendously current. Excessive taxes, land appropriation, cruelty and indifference to the poorest continue to exist. Many judges sell and form alliances with the powerful to keep people in poverty and ignorance. And returning to the present, the people of Latin America are definitely tired of so much injustice, inequality, corruption and violence, that's why they protest.
Just as the prophet Amos, who delivered his message with courage and openness: This is what the Lord says: “For three sins of Israel, even for four, I will not relent. They sell the innocent for silver, and the needy for a pair of sandals. They trample on the heads of the poor as on the dust of the ground and deny justice to the oppressed. Father and son use the same girl and so profane my holy name. They lie down beside every altar on garments taken in pledge. In the house of their god they drink wine taken as fines." (Amos 2: 6-8, NIV). God expects from us the same clarity and courage, without any hint of fear, to denounce without fear sin and false leaders and prophets of present day, both political and religious. We must proclaim what God expects from his people and from our authorities, even when there are those who do not wish to hear this message. But God is a God of peace. Facing a world devastated by so many conflicts, where violence is often justified in the name of God and justice, it is important to remember that our message should never incite hatred and violence in any form of expression. God's message should always lead to peace and reconciliation, and his church must fight not with material weapons, but with the power of the Holy Spirit. "Not by might nor by power, but by my Spirit,’ says the Lord Almighty
With information from www.bbc.com/mundo
